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The initial *o instead of *a is unexpected. Often, influence from *owis(“sheep”) is cited.
The labiovelar must have been delabialized on the way to Celtic, or else **abnos would have resulted. The delabialization is often assumed to be regular by many scholars without citing another example, while Matasović assumes dissimilation from a byform *owi-gʷnos > *owi-gnos.
^ R. J. Thomas, G. A. Bevan, P. J. Donovan, A. Hawke et al., editors (1950–present), “oen”, in Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru Online (in Welsh), University of Wales Centre for Advanced Welsh & Celtic Studies
^ Schrijver, Peter C. H. (1995) Studies in British Celtic historical phonology (Leiden studies in Indo-European; 5), Amsterdam, Atlanta: Rodopi, pages 223, 274
^ McCone, Kim (1996) Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change, Maynooth: Dept. of Old Irish, St. Patrick's College, →ISBN, page 122
^ Zair, Nicholas (2012) The reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals in Celtic, Leiden: Brill, →ISBN, page 22
