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The nominative singular form is underlyingly */ḱérd/, yielding the surface form *ḱḗr which is itself evident in Ancient Greek κῆρ(kêr) and Hittite 𒆠𒅕(ker). This reconstruction is the only instance in PIE where a loss of */d/ after */r/ with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel occurred. It is not clear whether this is an isolated example, or a part of a broader process such as Szemerényi's law.
