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~~~~) which automatically produces your username and timestamp.Enjoy your stay at Wiktionary! Chuck Entz (talk) 01:54, 27 May 2014 (UTC)
Would you please put this on the other categories you created too? — Keφr 07:50, 14 August 2014 (UTC)
Keφr, thank you. I did as you suggested. Please let me know if you see any other things that need to be corrected. I'm a newbie and want to make sure I'm not making a mistake that later will have to be rectified for hundreds of words. I hope you see this; I am trying to figure out where to answer you. Emi-Ireland (talk) 21:46, 14 August 2014 (UTC)
Thank you, CodeCat. That was useful advice. I have started a numerals category. Emi-Ireland (talk) 03:41, 15 August 2014 (UTC) By the way, does anyone know why when I mouse over "Wauja" on this page: https://en.wiktionary.orghttps://dictious.com/en/Appendix:Cardinal_numbers_0_to_9 , the alt text says "this page does not exist"? Emi-Ireland (talk) 04:01, 15 August 2014 (UTC)
I did create an entry yesterday: https://en.wiktionary.orghttps://dictious.com/en/wauja#Wauja. Maybe I did not code it properly. Or perhaps it needs time to update across wiktionary? Emi-Ireland (talk) 15:18, 15 August 2014 (UTC)
Start the link with a colon: Category:Wauja numerals. — Ungoliant (falai) 15:30, 15 August 2014 (UTC)
Thank you for answering my question before I even had time to ask it! Also, thanks very much for advising me about where to put various types of information. I want to make sure I understand your comment. Which extra information are you referring to? Are you referring to the Usage Notes on Wauja Numerals I posted about 1 minute ago on this page: https://en.wiktionary.orghttps://dictious.com/en/Category:Wauja_numerals ? The Wauja have only about a dozen cardinal numbers. For each entry, I wanted to include a link back to the general usage notes on numbers. If this is not the correct place for me to ask such questions, please let me know.Emi-Ireland (talk) 15:36, 15 August 2014 (UTC)
Thanks for the helpful advice. I will move the explanatory content from the Category page to an appendix page. Regarding using a template: is it considered bad form to include the same info on multiple pages? Because the explanation of how the Wauja use numbers is a fairly long paragraph. Should I simply put that paragraph on an appendix page and link to it from all the cardinal number lemma pages? Or is it OK to have the same thing appear on every cardinal number lemma page? Thanks very much for your advice. Emi-Ireland (talk) 15:49, 15 August 2014 (UTC)
{{U:en:who and whom}}. It is used in the pages who, whom, whoever and whomever. — Ungoliant (falai) 15:53, 15 August 2014 (UTC)Thank you for the example, Ungoliant. Yes, I think I will make a template. The Wauja are much less reliant on numbers than are speakers of English, and that needs to be put in context. Their language is very rich and complex, but in their daily life, they traditionally had little need for numbers above five. During the past generation, however, they have been brought into the Brazilian cash economy to some degree, and this has suddenly created a linguistic need for using and understanding numbers in the hundreds and thousands. It will be interesting to see how the young generation of Wauja handles this.Emi-Ireland (talk) 16:47, 15 August 2014 (UTC)
Friendly advice, per WT:WWIN "Wikitionary is not Wikipedia". Specifically, a lot of the content you added in this (particularly the culture section) does not belong in a dictionary. It may be of use on Wikipedia though. :) User: PalkiaX50 talk to meh 21:03, 17 August 2014 (UTC)
I understand. I'll remove it. Certainly the history of jaguars in relation to the community should go elsewhere. But it seems there are some gray areas here. I think that to understand the meaning of the word jaguar yanumaka in Wauja, it is relevant to know that the jaguar is a symbol of inherited chiefly rank. It is not a definition of the word, but a symbolic association that is so important that jaguar ornaments are used to convey a message to all who visit the village that a certain man is the chief. In other words, the Wauja word has strong symbolic associations that the English word does not. These symbolic associations are not literal definitions of the word. Nonetheless, I understand the need to respect the culture of Wiktionary, and will remove all the historical and cultural material. If I put the cultural material in Wiktionary, is there any way to keep it in one grouping by culture, comparable to a grouping by language in Wiktionary? Thanks.Emi-Ireland (talk) 22:05, 17 August 2014 (UTC)
{{label|wau|figuratively}} chief, leader —CodeCat 22:12, 17 August 2014 (UTC)Well, that's an interesting question. The problem is, you would never say, "He's a yanumaka." or "He's like a yanumaka." Grammatically, you could construct such a sentence, but it wouldn't make sense to a Wauja. That is simply not a way the word can be used. However, Wauja can -- and do -- sing verses that are ostensibly about jaguars, but that everyone listening knows is in direct reference to the chief and no one else. I think I need to have a separate space, outside Wiktionary, where I can elaborate such things. The problem is, I can put up a site in WordPress, but after I'm gone, it will not persist. I guess a book would make the record permanent, but the Wauja themselves (and indigenous people generally) use the Internet much more than books. Also, the things I am removing from yanumaka are the very things that the Wauja themselves would think were important and want to keep in. I do understand, however, that Wiktionary can't be everything to everyone. Is there a way to use Wikipedia as a place to record ethnographic information about the Wauja in English, Portuguese, and Wauja? The idea is to have the information equally accessible to Wauja and non-Wauja. Academic ethnographies printed in books are not nearly as accessible as web pages that are maintained by a community.Emi-Ireland (talk) 22:46, 17 August 2014 (UTC)
One thing occurs to me... for endangered languages, Wiktionary is an important linguistic a cultural revitalization tool. Could there be a way to allow (for endangered languages, at least) to include cultural and historic information that could be hidden if the user preferred not to see them? Because endangered languages have so little content written in them or about them. It's mostly bibles or inscrutable linguistic treatises by non-native speakers.
My current plan is to get a thousand words in the Eng/Wauja site, and then start setting up Eng/Port, and keep adding to both sites. Next year, I will be visiting the community and training young people to work on their own incubator site, all in Wauja. If historic and cultural information cannot be included in the English/Wauja and Portuguese/Wauja sites, could it perhaps be included in the all-Wauja site? Because that would be of much greater benefit to the Wauja community. Thanks for any ideas you can offer.Emi-Ireland (talk) 22:46, 17 August 2014 (UTC)
Thanks for providing an example. Is it considered bad form to provide external links to more information?Emi-Ireland (talk) 22:55, 17 August 2014 (UTC)
Regarding Shakespeare, you are right, all languages and cultures make use of symbolism. I guess I would say that if the cultural context is radically different, you need more explanatory notes. You need lots of notes to read Chaucer, even more for Beowulf. Without explanatory notes, it doesn't make much sense.Emi-Ireland (talk) 22:51, 17 August 2014 (UTC)
That's true. Thanks for the feedback. I'm glad you guys pointed out your concerns before I had gone too far down that path.Emi-Ireland (talk) 23:29, 17 August 2014 (UTC)
I made some changes to -naun.
{{n-g}}, which is short for {{non-gloss definition}}. This template should be used when the definition is not actually a meaning but more of a description of what something is or how something is used.cat2= parameter to the {{head}} template. This simply tells it to add a second category to the entry. In this case I've added Category:Wauja inflectional suffixes, which seems fitting because this is apparently a plural suffix. There are also categories for other types of suffix depending on what kind of words they form, such as Category:English noun-forming suffixes.I also have some notes about the long list of related terms.
{{suffixsee|wau}}. This will automatically show a list of all the pages in Category:Wauja words suffixed with -naun, which is much easier than having to maintain the list manually.{{affix|wau|yamukunaun|t1=children|-tope|t2=all, every}}. After all the word was formed by adding -tope to the plural, not by first creating the plural. The plural already existed before.—CodeCat 02:12, 12 November 2014 (UTC)
Yes you are right on all counts. This is very helpful. I will remove the list of words and put it in my personal "words to post" list. Then the words will show up on the appropriate category page. The list is somewhat useful (unlike a list of English words suffixed with -s) because only a few categories of nouns can take plural at all. Emi-Ireland (talk) 02:55, 12 November 2014 (UTC)
I changed the Etymology for yamukunauntope as suggested. Makes more sense this way. People can still find the singular if they care to do so.Emi-Ireland (talk) 03:00, 12 November 2014 (UTC)
Thanks, that sounds like a very good idea. I noticed that some of my -naun plurals (seen here https://en.wiktionary.orghttps://dictious.com/en/Category:Wauja_non-lemma_forms) are not showing up on the page "Wauja words suffixed with -naun" (at https://en.wiktionary.orghttps://dictious.com/en/Category:Wauja_words_suffixed_with_-naun) Shouldn't they be listed there, as with any other suffix? Emi-Ireland (talk) 03:18, 12 November 2014 (UTC)
{{suffix}} or {{affix}} or {{prefix}} does. Quite often, half of what templates do is add entries to categories. Some of them, such as {{head}} can do quite a variety of categories, depending on the parameters, while others are very simple and straightforward. Chuck Entz (talk) 03:34, 12 November 2014 (UTC)One last question tonight -- I like yamukunauntope much better now with your edits. It's cleaner and more concise. However, at the bottom of the page, there's a link to "Wauja words suffixed with -tope," but no longer a link to "Wauja words suffixed with -naun". This word has two suffixes and it's good to keep track of that. Some words have three or more suffixes and it will be interesting to monitor which can combine with which, in what sequence, and which are never seen together. Is there some way I can add a parameter to one of the templates on the page that will not add anything to this entry except a link at the bottom: "Wauja words suffixed with -naun"? Thanks for all your advice. It is a challenge to keep up! Emi-Ireland (talk) 04:40, 12 November 2014 (UTC)
— Keφr 13:11, 31 December 2014 (UTC)
Thanks for your comments, as always.
{{+obj}}? There is no documentation for it yet, but the syntax looks like {{+obj|wau|infinitive|means=the negated activity}} = . I think it would show the grammatical structure much more clearly and concisely than a series of examples (which for the reader, especially one not familiar with the language, essentially means guesswork) could. — Keφr 06:07, 1 January 2015 (UTC)/* and */, you link to a section whose name is between those two markers. These are not mere boilerplate you put there to show off your markup-savviness. — Keφr 06:07, 1 January 2015 (UTC)
/* and */, and it is ignored by the browser. It's seen only by those who look for it. You put comments in there as a courtesy to the coders who may have to edit your work at a later date, so they can understand how you intended the code to be structured. Clearly-commented code is one aspect of doing the job well. So I assumed the "edit summary" was supposed to contain a few words summarizing the edit I had just made. Apparently this is not the case. — This unsigned comment was added by Emi-Ireland (talk • contribs) at 18:14, 2 January 2015 (UTC).
/* */ in edit summaries are different from CSS (which I know quite well, you need not explain it to me). Look at the history of this page and see.
{{Babel}} tower on your user page? I would appreciate it. — Keφr 18:29, 2 January 2015 (UTC)You raise an important point, and I address it below. (I will think about your other points above and respond after speaking to some colleagues.)
I respect your desire to avoid any risk of invalid entries. That certainly is important, not only for this Wauja Wiktionary, but for the future of Wiktionary as a whole. With this in mind, the issue we must address together is that, for this endangered language, with its rich oral tradition, there are — as yet — no dictionaries or published works to cite. There are none. (Except perhaps for one 4-5 page pamphlet for health workers, written by native speakers, which I am using as a reference mainly for anatomical vocabulary. There are some problems even with that thin publication, as it was written in Portuguese by Brazilian doctors, and translated to Wauja by young Wauja health workers. I recall how difficult and awkward it was for them to translate bizarre concepts such as "the food pyramid" and "carbohydrates" into Wauja, which does not need or use these concepts, much less have vocabulary to describe them. The result, overall, is not an authoritative reference for the Wauja language.)
So although I would gladly follow your very reasonable advice ("a single citation will suffice, even a mention (i.e. from a dictionary)"), alas, I cannot, at least until the Wauja publish in their language. Does that mean the language should not be documented on Wiktionary? Of course not! All the more reason to document it. I am sure we agree on that. In fact, I believe that having a robust Wauja Wiktionary will make it more likely that the Wauja will publish in their language, and that we will be able to cite published works someday soon.
Let's agree on what we can use for references, given the issue we are facing – a rich oral tradition, but the complete absence of published works authored by native speakers. Until now, I have relied mostly on:
Each of these sources has advantages and disadvantages. The audio recordings of elders speaking in public are very authoritative linguistically, but they represent only one kind of speech (formal). Typically, they are orations, and they underrepresent natural conversational patterns used in daily life. In addition, there is the problem of transcription. When I first transcribed these recordings thirty years ago, there were no literate Wauja at all, and so the transcription had to be done by a non-native speaker (me). I speak Wauja, but I am not a native speaker. Therefore, although I consider my transcripts worthy references (they have all been checked phonetically by native speakers), I consider emails from young literate Wauja in some ways more authoritative than anything I personally transcribe.
That's because even if I transcribe the sounds perfectly and translate the meaning perfectly (a tall order), I might well put the breaks between words in different places than a native speaker would do. In fact, because the current generation of Wauja speakers is the FIRST ever to read and write, I find that there is wide latitude in how different native-Wauja-speaking writers put the sounds of their language into written letters. Perhaps somewhat like the authors of old English texts, who often were not uniform in how they spelled words, so are the Wauja today in a protean stage of adopting literacy. After all, they don't even have a dictionary. (I'm trying to help them remedy that.)
Yet, despite these minor inconsistencies, every written text by an articulate and knowledgeable native speaker is valuable because it is unfiltered by non-native speakers. I realize that people typically do not write emails carefully, and often misspell words. That's why I never use such communications unless I have specifically checked the spelling and the utterance with the author. Each utterance that has been checked is associated with a named person in the published lemma, and they know that. (The only exceptions are statements that must be anonymous because of their content, to avoid embarrasing any individual. I have not needed to do that yet, but I know that such instances will arise.)
I have responded in detail to your comment because I want to assure you that I fully share your concern that each Wiktionary entry be reliably and responsibly referenced. I hope that you now understand some of the constraints I am working under, given that there are no published works by native speakers. If you can suggest specific ways I can improve the way I reference entries, I would be grateful. Specifically, if carefully-checked written communications that I receive from articulate native speakers are not acceptable, please let me know what is. I feel uncomfortable giving greater priority to my own transcriptions than to written communications authored by native speakers. They are both valuable for documenting the language, but surely written artifacts produced entirely by native speakers and unfiltered by outsiders should not be discarded.
I am very committed to documenting Wauja in Wiktionary, precisely because I want the Wauja themselves (and the world) to have full global access and fully shared opportunities to participate in this project. I want to abide by Wiktionary community norms, and I also hope the Wiktionary community will welcome the Wauja project, and allow the Wauja language to be documented, despite the lack of published works. Some of my academic colleagues are skeptical that Wiktionary is a good platform for what I am trying to do, saying that Wiktionary cannot accommodate the special requirements of documenting an endangered language. But I don't want another proprietary project on a proprietary platform that ultimately does not give native speakers full participation in building their own lexicon, and ultimately is inaccessible to the people who need it most. I want the three planned Wauja Wiktionary sites to show that you can have a globally-accessible open-source platform, full language-community participation from anywhere in the world, and outstanding scholarship.
I have been skyping the Wauja over the holidays, and they are very excited about the three-part project that we are planning: (1) the Wauja-English dictionary, already underway; (2) a Wauja-Portuguese dictionary (to be launched in 2015), and (3) a Wauja-Wauja dictionary with a Wauja interface (perhaps launched in 2016). Too often, despite the best intentions of outside linguists, speakers of endangered languages have not had access to tools that would allow them to participate fully in building their own lexicons. Wiktionary is the antidote to that. But to make this possible, the Wiktionary community must understand that building a lexicon for an endangered language with an exclusively oral tradition requires methodologies that may be somewhat different from those suitable for languages with an established tradition of literacy.
In the summer of 2015, I will travel to Brazil to train a team of young lexicographers on Wiktionary norms and on how to post lemmas on the Wauja-Portuguese site. This project will be led by a Wauja village schoolteacher who is also a third-year university student in Language and Literature at the state university near his reserve. He and his colleagues, on their own initiative, have already convened a two-day open meeting on orthography, attended by members of all three villages, who patiently sat through two days of discussions on spelling, all while crammed into a single schoolroom in the sweltering heat. These people are committed! This meeting was convened precisely because newly-literate people are spelling things inconsistently. He and the other young schoolteachers are thrilled that they will be trained to manage the Wauja-Portuguese site, and ultimately build a Wauja-Wauja one (perhaps starting 2016). They are amazed and delighted that there will be no printing and distribution costs as they create and maintain a digital dictionary that can be used in their bilingual curriculum.
I am doing my very best with each entry I post, but I know that the Wauja eventually will suggest corrections and improvements to my contributions. That is as it should be. As the community gradually works out the details of their orthography, the spellings of certain entries will change. Those corrections will make the current site even better. In the meantime, if you see ways I can improve my methods, please give me specific suggestions that will contribute to the success of this project, and that take account of the special constraints of documenting a language that does not have a written tradition. Wauja has a magnificent oral literary tradition, by the way. It's a shame I have to frame the discussion around whether they "lack writing," or whether their first hard-won attempts at writing, using email and other digital tools, are "acceptable" (to us) or not in documenting their own language. Instead, I respectfully request that we find ways to carefully and responsibly document everything that they do have, and in so doing, perhaps help them keep it.
Emi-Ireland (talk) 22:26, 2 January 2015 (UTC)
Chuck, I'm thinking through the distinction between LDLs and Languages without a Written Tradition (which I'll call LWTs). LWTs are a subset of LDLs. Many LDLs have an extensive written tradition, and can indeed be referenced with published sources. LWTs, on the other hand, by definition, do not have a written tradition and therefore do not have a body of publications authored by native speakers of that language. I think the current LDL criteria are probably appropriate for any LDL language with an establish written tradition. The issue is LWTs. Obviously, we cannot ask languages without publications to reference only publications. I am thinking through the issues and possible solutions and will post my suggestions in the next day or so. Emi-Ireland (talk) 22:03, 3 January 2015 (UTC)
This is a request for the Wiktionary Community to consider adding a new subcategory, Languages without a Written Tradition (LWT), under LDL (Less Documented Languages).
An LWT is a language that has an oral tradition, but has no tradition of writing and no written publications authored by native speakers. LWTs are a subset of LDLs. (Note that documents authored in other languages by outsiders and merely translated by native speakers, such as the Bible and government documents, are not suitable as sources for documenting a language.)
The term "unwritten" can be misleading, because the boundary between languages that are "unwritten" and languages that are "written" is actually quite fuzzy. Presumably we can all agree that a language community that has no writing system, no notion of literacy, and has never had its speech transcribed by outsiders can be considered an "unwritten language."
But when that community is visited by linguists who develop an orthography, and (perhaps imperfectly) transcribe some words and phrases from the spoken language into written form, perhaps publishing the results, what then? Is this language "written," even if no one in the language community is literate, and the published "results" contain the errors of a non-native speaker? Some of you might call such a language "written," and others just as reasonably might say it is "unwritten."
Let us now consider a third example. What about a small indigenous language community in Brazil that is completely unfamiliar with writing, and yet, through a process of increasing contact with the national society, develops an orthography and village schools, where children are taught to read and write in both their indigenous language and Portuguese? Obviously, when nearly every child can write words in their own language, the language cannot be considered an "unwritten language." Yet is it a "written" language? Does it have great literature? Yes, in oral form. Poetry? Absolutely, in oral form. Historical narratives, sacred texts, genealogies, song lyrics, compendiums of botanical and zoological knowledge? Yes, all in oral form. What, then, is written in this language? Aside from basic word lists and literacy primers modeled on Portuguese examples, virtually nothing — yet. Today's young adults are the first literate generation.
This is the case with Wauja, an Arawak language spoken by 400 indigenous people in lowland Amazonia. Although Wauja was "unwritten" a generation ago, today it is "written," in the sense the children are taught basic literacy in their village schools. However, as yet — and this doubtless will change — there is no written tradition in this language, no body of publications authored by native speakers. All their literature is still in oral form.
For the purposes of Wiktionary, the key issue is not whether a missionary or professional linguist has phonetically transcribed snippets from the language, but whether there exists a body of work authored by native speakers that is large enough to provide references for every word in the language. For languages like English, Chinese, and all "major" languages, the answer is yes. These languages have extensive written traditions. For thousands of small and endangered languages, the answer is no. These are languages with rich intellectual and literary traditions — in oral form. Such languages may have some (recently-acquired) knowledge of writing, but they have no tradition of writing. This presence or lack of native-speaker-authored published references is the distinction that matters for the Wiktionary community, at least in reference to inclusion criteria.
LWTs, by definition, lack a body of published sources authored by native speakers. As a result, it is not possible to use published sources to attest to Wiktionary entries for LWTs. Nevertheless, LWTs are important members of the family of human languages, with rich literary and intellectual traditions, and they deserve to be included in Wiktionary. In fact, these LWTs are typically endangered languages spoken by language communities that are most in need of the permanent, globally accessible, open source, cultural commons platform that only Wiktionary can provide. Therefore, it is proposed that the Wiktionary community define this limited category of languages (LWTs) and agree upon attestation criteria that are sensible and appropriate for such languages.
Current Wiktionary attestation standards call for verification either through widespread use (hard to verify for a language without publications) or "use in permanently recorded media, conveying meaning, in at least three independent instances spanning at least a year (different requirements apply for certain languages)." For spoken languages that are living , only one use or mention is adequate, subject to the following requirements:
Assuming that the first bulleted requirement above refers to a list of materials that are permanently available online, probably most LWTs cannot meet this requirement. For example, in the case of the Wauja language, spoken as a first language by 400 people in the Amazonian rainforest, there are hundreds of audio recordings, and several dozen carefully transcribed traditional stories, but none of them currently are available online. (Though they could be made available to Wiktionary admins upon request.)
Before these stories are posted online, the community must agree that they are correctly transcribed. That's because they were first recorded and transcribed several decades ago by an anthropologist (myself, in this case), at a time before any Wauja were able to read and write. Today, there is a cadre of young university-educated Wauja bilingual schoolteachers who are deeply committed to standardizing their orthography and documenting their language. However, this process takes time, because it is not decided by fiat. Instead, the Wauja, like many communities that speak LWTs, take time to reach decisions through building consensus. It's a chicken-and-egg situation. Without a standard orthography, it's hard to build a dictionary, but without a dictionary, it's hard to standardize the orthography.
To allow responsible documentation to proceed within Wiktionary while members of LWT communities increasingly move toward standard orthography, publications by native speakers, and full compliance with Wiktionary LDL attestation standards, the following interim attestation standards for LWTs are proposed:
The overall goal of attestation standards for LWTs is to ensure responsible and reliable attestation for LWT entries, while making Wiktionary the best platform for documenting the world's many LWTs.
For a language with a written tradition, it is appropriate to refer to published sources written in that language. However, for a language that consists of an exclusively oral tradition, it is appropriate to refer to authoritative oral sources that have been recorded and transcribed. To ensure that the "no original research" principal is honored, transcriptions of traditional stories, historical narratives, public oratory, and sacred incantations performed by elders before an audience can be given priority as sources, since these linguistic sources are particularly authoritative and reliable for LWTs.
When a language has a sufficient body of publications (authored by native speakers) so that every word in the language can be referenced to a published work authored by native speakers, that language is no longer an LWT.
In practical terms, there is no hard and fast cut-off point, but perhaps we can say that once an LWT community has achieved a minimum threshold of 3,000 entries in Wiktionary, the community will have become aware of the importance of lexicography and its methods, and it will have benefited greatly from using Wiktionary to document, analyze, and teach literacy in their language. The language community will have had an opportunity to standardize their orthography, properly review transcriptions of older recordings of traditional oral literature, have native speakers produce new publications based on new recordings, and permanently archive online all such transcripts and publications. As a result, this language community will be considered capable of meeting LDL attestation standards going forward.
Please post an explanatory note on the Talk pages for those two words, so that anybody working on Wauja in future will be alerted to the problem. Thanks! Equinox ◑ 22:56, 3 February 2015 (UTC)
After attempting to correct a typo in a page name I created a while back, I relaized it became a redirect. So I searched for advice given me (in 2014, by Chuck Entz) that I vaguely remembered. By the time I found it, some admin had already deleted the redirect page. Fast work! I wanted to thank the admin, but could not find his or her name, because I couldn't find the redirect page, as it had been deleted. So here's my Thank You. I assume the right admin will notice this message soon enough, as some of you seem to have near-telepathic powers! --Emi-Ireland (talk) 22:45, 18 December 2016 (UTC)
When you move a page, the old name is not deleted, but is kept as a redirect to the new name. For regular dictionary entries, this is usually undesirable, so could you add the {{delete}} template to the old pages after you move them? —CodeCat 00:35, 23 January 2017 (UTC)
Also, the messages about errors that you've been leaving on talk pages are not really all that useful either, especially not once the erroneous page is deleted. Could you mark those talk pages for deletion as well? —CodeCat 00:46, 23 January 2017 (UTC)
All the Wauja communities have now standardized on using "x" and not "ty" to spell the /tj/ sound. Therefore, I will modify certain Wauja words in the Wauja Wicktionary to conform with current Wauja orthographic standards. The Wauja are in the process of standardizing their orthography; we can expect that a small number of similar changes will be required in the future. Emi-Ireland (talk) 00:00, 14 February 2017 (UTC)
I am moving a few words to reflect a decision by the Wauja to use the letter "x" in their orthography. Should I add the "delete" template to the old page before I move it, or go back and add it after I move it? Because I'm afraid if I add it before, an admin might delete the old page before I move it. On the other hand, I just moved a word and then immediately went back to add the "delete" template to the old page akaintya, but couldn't find it. Did I follow the correct procedure? Thanks! Emi-Ireland (talk) 00:21, 14 February 2017 (UTC)
{{delete}} on the old name. Normally, when you go to a page that redirects to another, you'll immediately be sent to the new page, which is the purpose of redirects. But when you actually want to go to the old page, rather than being redirected by it, you can click the link just below the page title that says "redirected from (old page)". —CodeCat 00:52, 14 February 2017 (UTC)
{{obsolete spelling of|(new page)|lang=wau}}. This is not required, but can be useful in case someone happens to read a text written in the old spelling. —CodeCat 01:18, 14 February 2017 (UTC)