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Ultimately from Proto-Indo-European*steh₂-, likely verbalized from the perfect w-participle[1] (Van Wijk, Stang). Kortlandt in particular reconstructs pre-Balto-Slavic *sth₂ēw-.[2]
Outside of Balto-Slavic, has been compared[3] with Gothic𐍃𐍄𐍉𐌾𐌰𐌽(stōjan, “to judge”), Old Englishstowian(“to stow”) (both with causative sense), but common origin is unlikely for phonetic and semantic reasons. The medial -w- in Germanic is considered (per Rasmussen) as epenthetic to fill the hiatus within *-ōe- > *-ōwe-.
Reconstruction notes
Modern descendants point towards columnar acute root-stress (except for the infinitive in Lithuanian with ictus on the thematic vowel). Kortlandt however reconstructs circumflex for the overall derivational pattern, attributing the acute in stāˀwēˀtei due to relevelling with related imperfect forms.
⇒ Proto-Slavic: *staviti(“to place, to composite”)(causative)
References
^ Bammesberger, Alfred (1974) “The Formation of the East Baltic Stative Verbs *stāw-ē- and *dēw-ē-”, in Language, volume 50, Linguistic Society of America, pages 687-695
↑ 2.02.1Kortlandt, Frederik (1989) “Lithuanian statýti and related formations”, in Baltistica, volume 25, pages 104-112
^ Mottausch, Karl-Heinz (1998) “'Gehen' und 'Stehen' im Germanischen: Versuch einer Synthese”, in Historische Sprachforschung, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, pages 134-162
^ Derksen, Rick (2015) “stovėti”, in Etymological Dictionary of the Baltic Inherited Lexicon (Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series; 13), Leiden, Boston: Brill, →ISBN, page 430: “BSl. stāw-”