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Sergei Nikolaev believes that the comparison is “tempting, but unfounded phonetically,” which does not contradict the analogy in any way: The form has initial *x by analogy with derived words beginning with the prefixes *per-, *pri-, *u-, in which *s shifted to *x by the ruki sound law. But contradicts the Winter’s law.
Frederik Kortlandt believes that the hypothesis of borrowing from Iranian is “semantically implausible” and the form goes back to *xodìti (Kortlandt 2007: 1). However, according to Nikolaev, it is accentologically implausible. According to ESSJa, reverse derivation is impossible, which supports the accentological argument.
Accent paradigm b:
Some dialect groups make it possible to reconstruct the semantic-accentuation pair: *xȍdъ, gen.*xȍda and *xòdъ, gen.*xodà. For example, this semantic-accentuation pair is represented in the Posozhko-Pripyat dialect: xod, gen.xódu, instr.xódom ~ xod, gen.xodá, instr.xodóm. Most other dialects usually retain one variant of the semantic-accentuation pair.
According to Nikolaev, the form is a secondary deverbative of *xodìti (Nikolaev 2012: 98).
Trubachyov, Oleg, editor (1981), “*xodъ /*xoda”, in Этимологический словарь славянских языков [Etymological dictionary of Slavic languages] (in Russian), numbers 8 (*xa – *jьvьlga), Moscow: Nauka, page 51
Vasmer, Max (1964–1973) “ход”, in Oleg Trubachyov, transl., Этимологический словарь русского языка [Etymological Dictionary of the Russian Language] (in Russian), Moscow: Progress
References
^ Derksen, Rick (2008) “*xȏdъ”, in Etymological Dictionary of the Slavic Inherited Lexicon (Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series; 4), Leiden, Boston: Brill, →ISBN, page 203