deoligarchization

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English

Etymology

From de- (prefix denoting reversal or undoing) +‎ oligarchization.

Pronunciation

Noun

deoligarchization (uncountable) (American spelling, Oxford British English)

  1. (politics) The act or process of reversing oligarchization, that is, the act or process of democratization by lessening the political power of oligarchs or removing them from influential positions.
    Antonym: oligarchization
    • 1966, Mayer N[athan] Zald, Roberta Ash, “Social Movement Organizations: Growth, Decay and Change”, in Barry McLaughlin, editor, Studies in Social Movements: A Social Psychological Perspective, New York, N.Y.: Free Press; London: Collier Macmillan, published 1969, →ISBN, page 462:
      Of course, some MO's [social movement organizations] begin with a relatively oligarchical structure and de-oligarchization may occur.
    • 1982, Economics: A Biannual Collection of Recent German Contributions to the Field of Economic Science, Tübingen, Baden-Württemberg: Institute for Scientific Co-operation, →OCLC, page 14:
      This deoligarchization was one of the fundamental conditions precedent for agricultural modernization and for growing mobility and commercialization of land, labour and capital.
    • 1989, Sammy Smooha, “Introduction”, in Arabs and Jews in Israel: Conflicting and Shared Attitudes in a Divided Society, Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, →ISBN, page 15:
      The deoligarchization and opening up of Israeli society in the two decades following the Six Day War were facilitated by a sharp rise in the standard of living and education, the ascent of a new class of professionals, technocrats, managers and businessmen, and the strengthening of ties with and orientation toward the West.
    • 2001, Alexander Chubarov, “Prospects for the New Century”, in Russia’s Bitter Path to Modernity: A History of the Soviet and Post-Soviet Eras, New York, N.Y.; London: Continuum International Publishing Group, →ISBN, part 3 (From Reform Socialism to Deformed Capitalism), page 265:
      Vladimir Gusinsky's media empire was another logical place to start "deoligarchization."
    • 2010, Elena A Chebankova, “Conclusion”, in Russia’s Federal Relations: Putin’s Reforms and Management of the Regions (BASEES/Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies; 63), Abingdon, Oxfordshire; New York, N.Y.: Routledge, →DOI, →ISBN, page 191:
      On the other hand, the impact of migration of national big business into the leading administrative positions in the regions appears to be significantly less straightforward. This process took place as a consequence of the ‘deoligarchisation’ campaign conducted by [Vladimir] Putin at the centre and to some extent had a positive effect on the level of transparency of centre-regional dialogue.
    • 2015 March 28 – April 3, “Ukraine's future: President v oligarch”, in The Economist, volume 414, number 8931, London: Economist Group, →ISSN, →OCLC, archived from the original on 2018-07-31, page 56, column 2:
      Ukraine's reformers have wanted to wean the country off the oligarchs ever since the Maidan revolution, with only limited success. [] The process of "deoligarchisation", says Mr [Volodymyr] Fesenko, will be "complex and painful". But at least it has begun.
    • 2018, Oksana Huss, “Corruption, Crisis, and Change: Use and Misuse of an Empty Signifier”, in Erica Resende, Dovilė Budrytė, Didiem Buhari-Gulmez, editors, Crisis & Change in Post-Cold War Global Politics: Ukraine in a Comparative Perspective, Cham, Zug, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, Springer Nature, →DOI, →ISBN, part II (Crisis and Social Change: Ukraine in Comparative Perspective), page 122:
      These questions shift the perspective from destruction ("fight" against corruption, de-oligarchisation, punishment and control) to construction (institutional design, generation and communication of interests, raising bottom-up social movements and political parties, creating open-access order). They can open new discussions, generate new ideas and disrupt the hopeless discourse of political corruption in Ukraine.
    • 2018, Wojciech Konończuk, Denis Cenușă, Kornely Kakachia, “Oligarchs as Key Obstacles to Reform”, in Michael Emerson, Denis Cenușă, Tamara Kovziridze, Veronika Movchan, editors, The Struggle for Good Governance in Eastern Europe, London: Rowman & Littlefield International [for the Centre for European Policy Studies], →ISBN, page 84:
      De-oligarchisation depends on the de-politicisation of specific state institutions, the effective fighting against corruption, and the de-monopolisation of the media and key economic sectors. This will determine the success of the modernisation and building-up of democratic institutions in these countries.
    • 2022 September, Iuliia Mendel, “Oligarchs and Fake News”, in The Fight of Our Lives: My Time with Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s Battle for Democracy, and What It Means for the World, New York, N.Y.: One Signal Publishers/Atria Books, →ISBN, page 157:
      So although in some important ways the process of de-oligarchization had begun before [Volodymyr] Zelenskyy came to power, there was no blueprint for what to do next. Without a concrete program in place and little visible progress being made, de-oligarchization soon became an empty populist solgan. it became clear during the administration of [Petro] Poroshenko, himself one of the richest men in Ukraine, that it was quite difficult to develop a transparent program of de-oligarchization.
    • 2023, Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, “Ukraine’s Criminal Ecosystem and the War: Ukrainian Organized Crime in 2022”, in Bálint Madlovics, Bálint Magyar, editors, Ukraine’s Patronal Democracy and the Russian Invasion, volumes I (The Russia–Ukraine War), Budapest, Hungary: Central European University Press, →ISBN, page 267:
      The implementation of Zelensky [Volodymyr Zelenskyy]'s "deoligarchization" law has been put on hold while the conflict rages, but in the course of 2022 several oligarchs divested their media holdings and vacated political offices to avoid being targeted by the bill.

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